Summaries
The possibility of fieldwork on the Internet
Pille Runnel
According to official data, in Estonia Internet users now make up approximately 10 percent of the population. The pressure of information technology has become so powerful and has become such a part of daily life for many users, that its reflection in the humanities is inevitable. The article examines whether and how the “new media”, as the Internet has internationally come to be referred to, could serve as a research object for researchers of folk culture (here both ethnology and folklore are referred to here). The question is which research methods are implemented in the investigation of the Internet and what the possible obstacles might involve.
Environment or archive? The word “fieldwork” is used in the title of this article, although of existing and known phenomena, the Internet most closely resembles an archive. Many academics analyse the Internet phenomenon using archiving terminology. Although a large portion of the Internet can indeed be treated as an aggregate of silent documents, the Internet has one fundamental difference compared to archives – materials “archived” there replace, using opportunities characteristic of the environment, what we refer to in real life as active communication and cultural communication.
When an object/text arrives at a traditional archive, traditional and cultural information (museums, collections of folklore and of folk culture objects) is removed from its initial context. The Internet works differently: although information or a phenomenon is not necessarily organically connected with its creator/owner, it nevertheless represents him in virtual reality. Instead of static material, the researcher comes into contact with an active process. Thus research of the Internet / research using the Internet is instead an activity that researchers in the real world would classify under the title “fieldwork”.
How does one research the Internet? Ordinary fieldwork taking place in the real world mostly involves meeting the person who has become the object of interest face-to-face. The researcher is generally able to verify this person's personal information, and his clothing, gestures, home and occupation also provide either direct or indirect information. On the Internet, the above-mentioned bearings are absent, and only signs representing these remain – that which a person either consciously or unconsciously makes known about himself.
Academics who use the ethnographic method for the investigation of cyberspace, encounter, in addition to customary problems, diverse problems that differ from those of real life: for instance how to overcome frequent misunderstandings caused by the lack of physical signals and gestures in virtual environments, how to maintain a personal relationship with the material and how to be certain that the material gathered represents the group we think it represents.
Opportunities provided by textual analysis. In researching a society in which text is the only means of expression (chat rooms and e-mail catalogues), one must almost entirely depend on the methods and techniques of textual analysis. The question is how a cultural researcher accustomed to ordinary methods is able to “switch over” to a text-based environment, and how he understands the codes in use there. I see one of the hearts of the problem in the fact that in an Internet environment (here I am referring specifically to chat rooms and other channels permitting active communication) a means of expression close to everyday speech, incorrect from the point of view of written text and lacking a fixed logical value is generally selected for the purpose of communication.
Closeness object of research. Due to the great amount of texts to be found on the Internet, there is a danger of losing the customary personal connection with the texts and community they represent. Contact made with informants in the course of ordinary ethnological fieldwork is important for several reasons.
The creation of close contact is actually already hidden in the nature of the method: ethnographical description is strong in the event that it describes a culture “from within the group”. Indeed, the achievement of such a level is the main objective of ethnological fieldwork. During ordinary ethnological fieldwork, a simple method of selection (as in the case of archival materials) takes effect – the material forming the basis for conclusions remains within “the boundaries of human capabilities” – i.e. the academician actually draws conclusions only on the basis of the material that he (and his co-workers) have managed to establish. In performing fieldwork in cyberspace, the number of texts that may enter into the sphere of interest of the inexperienced researcher is in many cases much greater than in the case of the information forming the basis of ordinary research.
Researcher ethics. Questions of researcher ethics connected with the Internet generally result from whether one considers the Internet to be public or private territory. Whereas in real life, the designation of one area or another as public or private is the result of social negotiation, the Internet environment is still so new that no clearly defined attitude or custom has developed. May conversations that the researcher monitors in chat rooms be considered to be private conversations held in a public place, or are they public conversations that anyone is entitled to record and use for his own purposes?
Of course the preceding points only tangentially touch on the problems of Internet research. In formulating the problems that may arise in the course of the research process, it became clear that the problems are actually the same as in the case of ordinary fieldwork, and have merely become more distinct and acquired a more definite shape due to the technical parameters of the environment. The “anthropology of cyberspace” is still developing; at present there is still neither a universal methodology nor the apparatus nor defined words with a narrow meaning nor terminology necessary for academic investigation.
I nevertheless consider it likely that although the computer, as in the case of the technological innovations of earlier times, will not lead to societal and social processes being turned upside down, the Internet will in future likely become important as both an object and a means of research in the social sciences and humanities. In this connection it is interesting to examine the individual, his picture of the world, mentality and choices, since it is precisely at the level of everyday culture that computers change culture most. The computer is a new environment, in which one part of mankind lives its everyday life. Electronic communities, news groups and home pages have all become everyday realities. This is also the level on which popular culture is born, and which is the area of research of ethnology and folklore.
The plague and AIDS – the treatment of
similar phenomena in folk tradition
Reet Hiiemäe
There are common features between several present-day AIDS-related urban tales and folk legends of the plague from the late Middle Ages. These similarities may at least partly be explained by the theory of the epidemiology of ideas, which has been used by anthropologist Dan Sperber to explain certain universal features appearing in traditional texts – in the treatment of similar phenomena (in this case the plague and AIDS), imagery and methods for the elimination of the danger become reactivated (Sperber 1996, 50).
People's reaction to the outbreak of a disease is reflected in story tradition – a panicked search for a guilty party, the conscious persecution of those suspected and the idea of guilt and punishment – are typical regardless of the time in question. Ignorance of the causes of the epidemic unleash diverse fears and cause irrational hypotheses, such as the poisoned air theory (the plague) or the idea of the artificial creation of the disease for military or other purposes (the plague and AIDS).
Since in the Middle Ages it was not known that it was actually rats and fleas that were responsible for the spread of the plague, solutions were sought from supernatural explanations, and it was above all believed that the spirit of the plague was responsible for its transmission. In later legends a specific person has ever more often replaced the personified spirit of the plague of older folk legends. In the case of both the plague and AIDS, malevolent persons have been seen as being transmitters of the disease. The focussing of attention on groups in society that possess special status, an ideological or racial bias in the search for those guilty and an attempt to eliminate those guilty are all characteristic. Several supernatural possibilities of infection have been postulated (in the Middle Ages eye contact, dreaming about it, and today kissing, tears, touch, using the same swimming pool). The outbreak of the disease has been explained as God's punishment for people's sinful lives in the case of both the plague and AIDS.
When it became evident that the plague is a healable disease and that its causes lie in the realms of neither mythology nor theology, but instead in medicine, folk legends concerning the plague began to disappear with great speed. The same will likely happen with urban legends about AIDS once a reliable remedy has been discovered.
The purpose of this article is to demonstrate that there exist striking similarities in the treatment of the plague and AIDS in folk tradition in terms of both specific behavioural patterns and oral tradition. These are largely caused by the reaction to human fear, which makes people behave with dynamism in dangerous situations. A comparison of the development of plague and AIDS stories and their background is important if only for the reason that it helps one to predict and comprehend unthinking human behaviour in extreme situations. Living out one's fears through stories, falling back on known motifs from the older folk legend tradition is a method that may have a calming effect in chaos caused by danger, but may also lead to affected behaviour (intended infection with syringes).
Soviet man (homo sovieticus) can do anything –
conversation topics in the socialist and
post-socialist periods
Guntis Pakalns
One of the expressions of the pressure exerted by socialist ideology on folklore was the requirement to gather, research and publicise contemporary folklore that reflected only the positive side of Soviet life. One was expected to gather only folklore that depicted and encouraged the pathos of the construction of the “new life”, especially songs, proverbs acceptable to the ruling ideology and concerning the happiness provided by life and work in a socialist society, gratefulness to Lenin and Stalin, the advantages of “free” collective kolkhoz work, the admiration of technical progress (tractor, combine). This included the praising of the best workers and the reproval of those who were lazy in this collective work or did not wish “voluntarily” to join the kolkhoz, etc. In the 1950s the collections “Folklore of the Great Patriotic War” and “Kolkhoz work and kolkhoz life in the folklore of Soviet Latvia”, etc. were published in Latvia. Many samples of Soviet folklore gathered at that time were simple, inept and illustrative, and were apparently not well-known among the population. When those from “above” no longer requested such texts, the gathering and investigation of this folklore spontaneously came to an end.
Today one may surmise that the leading ideologists of that time were intelligent enough to realise that people cannot be kept from feeling interest in contemporary folklore. Thus it was simply necessary to guide that interest onto the right path and firmly control it. In the ideology of that time there indeed existed many epics created for the people – legends and myths whose authenticity one was not permitted to doubt. Lenin's biography was constructed according to the rules of a classical hero myth, and the stories about Pavlik Morozov, Aleksandr Matrosov and Zoja Kosmodemjanskaja, who died heroes' deaths for the socialists homeland were also well-known. The “bright future” to come was made into an almost attainable reality through precisely the same colourful stories.
In the saying “Soviet people can do anything”, a phenomenon is formulated that may be considered to be characteristic of both socialist and post-socialist story-telling culture. This reflects the gradual transformation of an ideological archetype, statement and the over-optimistic content of a socialist myth into farce.
The subject areas of the stories encompassed by the above saying may tentatively be divided into three groups:
1) the topic of “more and more labour achievements”, which was continually developed by the official propaganda, and which examines the advantages of socialism, especially the omnipotence of the person who has embraced the new ideology;
2) the feeling of absolute superiority of Soviet people over others, partly resulting from the previous point: we have grown up in very difficult circumstances, therefore we are characterised by a particular adaptability and patience, of which “capitalists living in continual comfort and in a welfare society” are not capable;
3) a deep, far-reaching and not quite painless irony – directed at the socialist economic system and way of life, in which many things which would seem unlikely in any other part of the world are possible (and even taken for granted); as well as irony directed towards oneself as a small part of the system.
All three of these points of view (which cannot always be clearly distinguished from one another) are characterised by considerable optimism. One of the significant personal characteristics of people who lived under socialism and are now living in a post-socialist society is expressed in the idea stated either seriously and/or ironically in the proverb.
Present-day folk stories about “the omnipotence of Soviet people” and “the endless opportunities provided by Soviet society” are able to present and signify that which was typical, distinctive and topical in that period. On the basis of the observations I have made to date, I am able to express the opinion that in socialist society there were a great number of stories in circulation, to which sufficient attention and importance have not yet been paid. These may be divided into two groups:
1) stories with internationally known motifs, which reveal the more or less striking details of everyday life under socialism (for instance an ash pie made from grandmother's remains);
2) stories still either relatively little-known or completely unknown in the West (to researchers at least), for instance humorous stories about Lenin's monuments and frightening stories about KGB eavesdropping techniques, etc.).
The socialist period, with its distinct culture and way of life, which are difficult for outsiders to understand, is rapidly becoming history. Much of the life of that period is beginning to be forgotten, and many of these stories are of importance for the preservation of historical memory. Contemporary anecdotes, folk legends, memorates and everyday beliefs permit the demonstration and explanation of the nature of socialism and life in that period.
Why doesn't the tree fall, why doesn't the bird fly
away – on the sign language folklore of the deaf
Liina Paales
One may encounter two types of attitudes towards the deaf community: according to medical criteria, the deaf are considered to be handicapped people who are unable to hear, yet from the cultural point of view are seen as a cultural minority that uses sign language.
In the final decades of the 20th century, the understanding of deafness as cultural distinctiveness has become widespread. The deaf describe their deafness as a cultural phenomenon rather than a handicap. The treatment of deafness as a cultural phenomenon has provided impetus for the investigation of this group's language, culture and traditions. A linguistic-cultural approach to the deaf calls into question neither the value of their language, the existence of culture, nor the ability to form a group, but instead prizes, investigates and records these.
Deaf people are carriers of tradition in precisely the same way as other social groups (soldiers, doctors, prisoners, students, etc.) whose folklore has been researched in recent years in Estonia. When speaking of the deaf community as tradition, we must keep in mind that on the one hand there exists a global deaf community made up of all the deaf people in the world, and on the other hand we may treat each country's deaf community individually. The deaf community is not, whether on the global or national level, as homogeneous as is thought. One must take into consideration differences arising from race, nationality, gender, language, etc. The deaf communities of different countries have distinctive traditions, which may include either the particular features of the local deaf community or loans from other deaf communities or hearers' traditions.
One distinctive feature of the folklore of the deaf is its visuality. This circumstance has remained beyond the attention of folklorists, since in order to communicate with the deaf and deal directly with the material; it is necessary to know sign language. Thus it is natural that until now their folklore has been more “heard” than “seen”. Another stumbling block may lie in the fact that folklore is traditionally considered to be oral. The folklore of the deaf, however, is visible, and is passed on to the next generation through the symbols of sign language. Contemporary linguistics has proven that sign language is a language in its own right and that there exist two conceivable types of human language: auditory or audible language and visual or sign language. As a result, the acceptance of the distinctive tradition of the deaf should also not create problems in the field of folklore. In American folklore there are decades-long traditions of dealing with deaf tradition, and a corresponding concept (deaf folklore) was adopted there. In other countries this has as of yet received little attention.
Deaf folklore has an entertainment, educational and identity-preserving role for the community. Herein lies wisdom that helps the deaf manage in society. Deaf tradition is like an interpretation of the distinctiveness of the community. In terms of genre, deaf folklore is very diverse. There are very good storytellers among the deaf, and their repertoire is plentiful. In addition to ordinary genres, there are also those that are inherent only to the folklore of the deaf and are oriented towards sign language: for instance numbers stories, sign puns, manual alphabet games, etc. Customary storytelling places are schools for the deaf, homes for deaf families, various events, clubs for the deaf, etc. Storytellers are held in high esteem in the deaf community, and are at the centre of society. There is much in deaf tradition that is connected with deafness, the life of the deaf and sign language. The deaf say that hearers do not understand these anecdotes, stories, etc., which emphasise solidarity with the community, and contrast the we (the deaf) against the you (hearers).
There are two approaches in deaf folklore: 1) hearer-oriented – in this case deafness is something condemnable, which is mocked and laughed at; 2) deaf-oriented – deafness is a certain privilege, hearers can be fooled, as they do not understand sign language. In this way one can be above the world of hearers and take a defensive position against the invasion of the hearers' culture.
There are approximately 2000 people who use sign language in Estonia. The Estonian deaf community consists of several smaller communities, which are mostly located in urban areas. Local deaf communities are connected through social organisations for the deaf, such as clubs, religious associations and sport societies for the deaf. There are six clubs for the deaf in Estonia: in Tallinn, Tartu, Pärnu, Viljandi, Kuressaare and Rakvere. In Tartu, for instance, the deaf gather at the club on Wednesday, in addition to which there are various events on other days of the week. Clubs for the deaf are also one place at which deaf folklore is related.
The folklore of the deaf in Estonia needs to be gathered and researched, and must be recorded on video. Sign-language tradition enriches our storehouse of folklore and broadens our treatment of folklore.
In this article one may find examples of the author's collected anecdotes, riddles, games and traditional name signs in use in both international and Estonian deaf communities.
Siberian Estonians' image of surrounding
Turkic peoples
Astrid Tuisk
Estonians who emigrated at the end of the last century and the beginning of this century founded villages all across Russia. In 1929 there were approximately 32 000 Estonians living in Siberia, most of them in Estonian settlements, but some of them in Estonian-Latvian, Estonian-Finnish, Estonian-German and Estonian-Russian mixed settlements. At present there are roughly 17 000 Estonians living in Siberia, both in settlements and in cities.
The settlers' new surroundings created, in addition to the need to define themselves, a need to establish a “social geography” – to find their place among the surrounding peoples. The understandings then current in Estonia of other peoples, and also of different Estonian dialectical groups, were no longer valid or required adaptation. The modifications that took place can vividly be seen in the contemporary folk poetry of the Estonians of Siberia.
The article examines the contacts of the Estonians with the surrounding peoples that speak Turkic languages: the Tatars, Kazakhs, “Kirgiz” (a half-mythologised name for different Turkic peoples), Tuvans and Khakass. Material has been gathered during collection expeditions of the Estonian Folklore Archives taking place between 1991 and 1999.
The bulk of the material under examination is made up of stories that do not so much mock or deride, but in which astonishment is expressed concerning traditions, ways of life, language, appearance, religious ceremonies, etc. foreign to the Estonians. Information may be expressed in the form of brief assertions, everyday opinions, accounts, longer stories of which village they live in, in what circumstances they had the encounter and what happened.
Jokes about different peoples are few and far between in the contemporary Siberian Estonian tradition. In stories recorded from Ülem-Suetuk, Estonians poke fun at Tuvans and Khakass, the anecdotes gathered from the Estonians of the Novosibirsk and Omsk oblasts speak of Kirgizes and Kazakhs. The peoples of Siberia and Central Asia appear in a couple of children threats. In Estonian settlements in Novosibirsk and Omsk oblasts, Kirgizes are used for the purpose of frightening children. In Tsvetnopolje village, Kazakhs are well-known figures of intimidation. As in the tradition of the surrounding Russians, in the tradition of the Estonians of Novosibirsk and Omsk oblasts, the Kirgiz are also portrayed as a half-mythological people.
It is certainly of significance that stories are widespread concerning peoples with whom the local Estonians have personally come into contact, and concerning whom direct knowledge is possessed. Stories are made significant and consequential by the fact that those spoken of are known. In anecdotes there is a noticeable attitude to the peoples under examination as being groups located even further in the boondocks and on a lower level of development. Ethnic humour is almost always associated with superiority.
It is difficult to say how original is the tradition reflecting the Estonians' inter-ethnic relations. One must presumably take a certain commingling into consideration. An interesting, distinctive tradition has been obtained as a result of the combination of the traditions brought from Estonia, the influences of the surrounding peoples and a “self-created” supplement. The relationship between emigrants (including Estonians) and indigenous peoples is reflected in the given tradition.
Stories of how people migrated to Siberia, became acclimatised in a foreign place and lived there are providing answers to the questions of who, how and why we are. Thus it seems that for Estonians, traditions concerning different peoples are significant above all for the pigeonholing and classification of themselves and surrounding peoples. It is, after all, in relation to others that we define ourselves. Discussions on the topics 'us and surrounding peoples', 'our and others' traditions', etc. appear to bear a peaceful, geographical and social message for the purpose of defining themselves rather than as a serious weapon against anyone.
Valentine's Day in Estonia – a tradition in a new form
Mari Hiiemäe
February 14th, the Day of Saint Valentine, who lived in Ancient Rome and died as a martyr, began to be celebrated in Estonia after the reestablishment of Estonian independence in 1991. Some information concerning the existence of the day and the custom of sending topical postcards was widespread among specialists in the field of the English language and culture even earlier. The role of English teachers at schools and the press in the introduction and propagation of the day must be considered quite important. In the final years of the century the Internet and commercial establishments also became notable advertisers.
In Estonia Saint Valentine's Day is celebrated in both kindergartens and schools as well as independently, and with increasing intensity. The survey indicates that the organisational celebration of the day was begun in children's institutions in the first rather than the second half of the 1990s, and that participation has been more active in cities. The parallel name for Valentine's Day – Friends' Day (Sõbrapäev), is preferred. The objective of the event is to strengthen friendship. The use of pink and red heart-shapes dominates (cut out or drawn on a card as a sign of affection for a friend, as decoration, etc.). Other activities (games played in groups, performances, etc.) do not necessarily bear any direct connection with the meaning of the day.
The sending of Valentine's Day cards and letters during recess at school continues to be popular, especially among 11 to 13-year-old girls. 14 to 16-year-olds are the most eager participants in Valentine's Day school dances, i.e. in the final classes of elementary school. As the initiative of youth increases, a reduction in the advisory role of educators is taking place. Depending on the imagination of the organisers, this may also include the election of a Miss and Mister, party games for finding a partner, etc. The emphasis of generally recognised symbolism is on the colour red, the shape of the heart and on roses, and this is also the case in the advertisements of clubs and entertainment establishments.
At the end of high school, at age 17 and 18, the attitudes of adolescents begin to become more differentiated. On the one hand there are those who celebrate the day: serious exhibitors of affection with their attentions (in the form of flowers, sincere postcards, presents) and humourful mockers, who prefer to fabricate parodical expressions of affection (using e-mail, among other methods), having as their goal benevolent teasing. On the other hand are those who do not celebrate the day: the ignorant, who see Valentine's Day as a manifestation of mass culture and a commercial holiday of an Anglo-American inclination harmful to Estonian culture, the neutral, for whom Valentine's Day is only for those in love and the uninformed, who lack any connection whatsoever with Valentine's Day.
Thus the celebration of the day mainly involves those under the age of 20, and also females express a greater interest in it than men. In recent years institutions have begun to wish their clients a happy Valentine's Day and shops to advertise “especially friendly Friends' Day prices”. In the opinion of salespeople, a certain sales success may be noted in food stores in the larger cities.
Signs and symbols on Christmas cards
Aarne Ristikivi, Mall Hiiemäe
In Estonia, there has gradually developed a treatment of the New Year as a longer period. In holiday cards, the birth of Christ or the New Year, or both, are mentioned. The consolidation of picture postcards from the two holidays, which initially had different systems of symbols, into one embracing both holidays, intensified after the Second World War, in the conditions of the Soviet occupation, since at that time everything connected with the birth of Christ was prohibited and only New Year cards were printed.
The first picture postcards with the Estonian inscription “Happy New Year” were published in 1895, and Estonia's own postcard production began in the 1920s. In this article the use of symbols in 277 holiday cards printed and sent in Estonia have been treated. Preconditions for the development of symbols and changes in their meanings and popularity are also identified.
The Christmas tree (Estonian fir), the fir branch, cones, candles, Christmas tree decorations and bells are widespread symbols. In the pre- World War II period, Estonian holiday cards were influenced by the example of characteristically German clichés: deer at a spring, a house with lighted windows, a church, dwarves. International symbols of luck are portrayed on New Year's cards: horseshoes, four-leafed clover, etc. Such pictures also circulated in the conditions of the Soviet occupation as re-done, black-and-white pictures.
In the decades following World War II, cards printed in enormous numbers outside Estonia, in the Soviet Union, came, with their symbolism, to dominate: a five-pointed red star at the top of a tower of the Kremlin, a spacecraft emphasising the progress of technology as a bearer of the New Year, a girl wearing clothes of Russian national romanticism riding full-speed in a fairy-tale three-horse sleigh with Jack Frost, etc.
Estonia's own card production, in contrast, headed towards the use of ethnographic themes. Motivated by the aim of maintaining national identity, ethnographic objects appeared in addition to the general fir-themes: wooden beer mugs, spinning wheels, children wearing the national costume, patterned textiles, embroidered slippers, etc. The exposition of ethnographic objects as symbols of the continuity of generations culminated in the 1980s.
New tendencies have appeared in the 1990s. In connection with the reestablishment of Estonian independence, the use of symbols emphasising national identity has decreased. The card market has expanded thanks to holiday cards printed in the West. It has once again become possible for the Christmas gospel to find its way onto holiday cards. The ilex or holly and Christmas star are becoming popular and finding a place on holiday cards. An acclimatisation with the general international patterns of marking Christmas, which are influenced by Anglo-American culture, is taking place. Thus one may notice a fusion of the appearances and roles of Father Christmas and dwarves.
The Hospital Role Game – Observations on a Game Involving Both Girls and Boys
Ulla Lipponen
The analysis concerned a role game called Hospital (22 minutes) recorded on video during playtime at a junior village school of 12 pupils in southern Finland in May 1989, the explanations to the game provided by the pupils and interviews with the children and two teachers. Eight girls and three boys aged 7–11 took part in the game.
The game was a combination of two traditional plots: the feminine nurse and patient and the masculine cops and robbers. The children had assimilated elements of a popular German TV series about a hospital running at the time. The action centred on the climbing frame (= the hospital, police station, fingerprint archive); the robbers' hiding places were round the periphery of the large school yard. The children had been playing Hospital for some weeks, just like a TV series. By the time the multi-episode game was filmed the roles and the action ascribed to them had become well established and the game proceeded with ease.
For four years the school had been part of a gender equality experiment. Both the teaching and the activities consciously aimed at gender neutrality and at emphasising both individuality and cooperation skills. The education seemed to be producing results: during playtime the girls and boys played together and not in separate, opposing boy or girl groups.
I here examine the game process within a women's studies frame of reference, using the gender system and contract as my basic concepts. I describe the structure of the game and the interaction taking place within it by defining the main plots, their event episodes and themes, by listing the gender-specific game roles, by establishing the power hierarchy of the roles and by noting the dialogue of the occupants of the various roles. My question is: Are children brought up to gender equality able to put their abilities and preferences into practice while playing in a mixed-gender group or are they hampered by their gender?
The analysis revealed that the gender system still persists:
1. Over the weeks, the game had become increasingly masculine: The basic set-up (in which two girls were nursing a boy who had hurt his leg), originally feminine and falling within the caring, private domain, had vanished. The feminine constituent (nursing) had partly merged with the masculine theme (cops and robbers). The majority of the players had drifted towards the masculine plot. The feminine constituent was maintained by the “little girls”. The action had become more masculine. The caring traits had disappeared from the roles, which had a more professional and technical orientation (a surgical police hospital). The roles had become hierarchised and the boys had taken over the highest statuses. The gender contract had, almost naturally, thus been carried out in a spirit of consensus, as is so often the case among adults, too.
2. Two simultaneous organisations can be observed in the games: the overt masculine organisation manifest in the role hierarchies in which the boys stand at the top of the status pyramid with all the girls at the wide base. The children clearly expressed this system in the names of the roles, where were universally accepted. The analysis of the discourse revealed that a certain amount of latent feminine leadership not manifest in the role names did exist at the level of linguistic discourse. The leader of the game turned out to be one of the girls about half way up the role hierarchy. She was the real operative leader and possessed social and linguistic skills that kept the game flowing.
The role models determined according to the traditional gender system, with the boys taking ascendancy over the girls, do not fundamentally appear to have changed in children's games. The girls who were cleverer than the boys did not demand to take the lead by virtue of their competence and instead accepted the subordinate status ascribed them by their gender. The theory often put forwards by women's studies scholars that tradition transmits questionable gender role models and may thus have even a harmful influence in contributing towards enculturation thus appeared to be relevant in the light of this game analysis.
The Old Man and the White Pigeon
Anu Vissel
The drawing of lots has survived in children's traditions until the present day, although it is relatively rarely used. It is a traditional method with which parts of roles are assigned to players. The drawing of lots refers to some agreed action for making a decision in favour or against a person, in which the matter is decided by chance. This phenomena is connected with archaic patterns of belief, behavioural customs and orders and prohibitions. One may assume that lots came into use when it was necessary to decide an important problem involving a certain group of individuals or community, yet it was impossible for people to foresee the consequences of the decisions. These were risky and the fate of a specific person, group of people, or even a whole tribe often depended on them. The first records of the drawing of lots by Estonians date from the Chronicle of Henrik of Latvia from the beginning of the 13th century. From later times it is known that participation in caravans, livestock herding, village duties and the like were determined through the drawing of lots. Between the years 1797 and 1874, the drawing of lots was used in the Baltic countries in recruiting soldiers into the tsarist Russian army. It appears that lot-drawing as the designation of parts in a game on the basis of a special verse reached Estonia only in the second half of the 19th century. In this article Estonian children's most popular counting-out rhymes, their possible origins and modification will be examined, based mainly on collected children's folklore of the 1930s and 1990s.
The counting-out rhymes reached Estonia above all through the influence of the German cultural zone, which is confirmed by the large amount of parallel material. This genre of children's poetry rapidly adapted itself here, and formed a plentiful repertoire of borrowed translations and original texts. It is not possible to make assumptions concerning the former magical or other meaning of these nonsense words on the basis of the Estonian material, as these are international nonsemantic words, their variations, distorted foreign words, onomatopoeic words or children's language with some numerals. In the case of the examples that have been examined, nonsemantic words most often arise from the misunderstanding of a text in a foreign language, in which an attempt is made to mimic the foreign-language text and at the same time connect it with words in the native language. On the other hand, it seems that sometimes a so-called kaleidoscopic nature, a heaping up of different things and phenomena is even intentional and serves the interests of the children's own “game mythology”. In the case of the reading of nonsense verses, rhythm and instrumentation, which intensify the many onomatopoeic words, are of great importance.
A great number of counting-out rhymes well-known in Estonia appear to have arisen at the end of the 19th and beginning of the 20th centuries, and reflect the living conditions, cultural contacts and ethnic relations of that period. Many counting-out rhymes borrowed from the Germans, such as “Üks väike valge uba...”, (“Eine kleine weise bohne...”) [“One small white bean...”], for instance, which for the Estonians became “üks väike oaõis” [“one small bean blossom”], were accepted by the Estonians. On the basis of these, several new versions (pigeon and pig versions) were created. The constructed type “Inglismaa on lukku pandud” [“England has been locked up”] was so popular in the first half of this century that it created around itself a small collection of parallel types with the same structure, such as “Üks õun” [“one apple”], “Üks mees” [“one man”], “Üks vanamees” [“one old man”]. The tradition of counting-out rhymes has not yet been discontinued among Estonian children, but is undergoing continual renewal. Many rhymes popular in the 1930s have, however, been forgotten. Of the most well-known counting-out rhymes, “one light-coloured/white pigeon” continues to be popular, although the other versions and parallel types have been lost among children. All that today remain of the former variability are the several possibilities for the beginning strophe (üks valge tuvi, üks väike valge tuvi, üks helevalge tuvi) [“one white pigeon”, “one small white pigeon”, “one light-white pigeon”], the dialectical “tui” and the concluding formula “Üks, kaks, kolm – sina oled sellest süüst prii!” [“one, two, three – you are free”] have disappeared and the text ends with the only thinkable question “Mitu seppa seda parandavad?” [“how many smiths will it take to repair it?”]. Many former counting-out rhymes survive to the present day in a modified and modernised form. There is also a noticeable tendency for text with a new semantic meaning to be placed at the beginning strophe of a nonsense verse. The share of verses ending in a question has demonstrated a considerable increase. Recently there has been a noticeable tendency to adopt diverse lyrics or phrases from songs as counting-out rhymes. It is noteworthy that German tradition has influenced and shaped the culture of Estonian counting-out rhymes, although in both the 1930s and 1990s, loans from Russian rhymes are absent. Mixed-language texts have largely arisen among Estonians themselves.
Children's game tradition, which also includes counting-out rhymes tradition, does not remain unchanged, but constantly assumes new forms. Children continue to search for new possibilities to determine the lead player, borrowing from neighbouring peoples, combining new and old elements or inventing new details.
Folk-theatre at the Museum – a link between
past and present
Terje Puistaja
People's cultural traditions have changed, and it sometimes appears that all links to the past have been lost. Actually this is not the case, as one may encounter new reflections of the traditions of peasant society even in the contemporary cultural scene, at popular celebrations, where folk songs are performed on stage by professional performers, trained storytellers tell the audience fairy tales and folk tales. Occurrences of folklorism are connected with the withdrawal of folklore from active use. The need to revive traditional culture involves a certain idealisation of a past community. Thus an old tradition is sometimes used to emphasise nationalism and identity.
In folklorism throughout the entire world, the traditions of the folk calendar as material containing an abundance of dramatic elements, are today much used. In addition to dramatism and interplay, spectators and participants are captivated by attractive costumes and the fact that each participant may feel that he is in the role of the carrier of oral traditions. In Estonia, the celebration of calendar dates as a cultural event within the walls of a museum is a new step in the cultivation of folklore.
Museums are contemporary institutions that help maintain a connection between past and present, and preserve lost times. Exhibitions are museums' contact with the public, and the dramatised performances taking place at the museum visualise the artificial world represented therein. The cultural context of the past time is transmitted through the performance. At the museum, symbols of the time in the form of objects displayed at the exhibition and the stage play along with the cultural context.
In the article, the principles, problems and distinctiveness of the staging of folkloric performances are introduced through the past two years' activities of the traditional theatre troupe operating at the Estonian National Museum. In 1998 and 1999, five different folkloric performances took place at the exhibition building of the Estonian National Museum: a St. John's Day performance entitled “Occurrences on the night of St. John's Day “, a Martinmas performance called “Mart travels across the land...”, a St. Catherine's Day performance called “...Kadri across the herd”, a Christmas performance called “From St. Thomas's Day to Christmas” and a St. Philip's Day “Witches' Sabbath on Sinimägi”. The performances are written taking into consideration the permanent exhibition, and the main performance space consists of a room for threshing grain, a room for kiln-drying grain, a chamber, stone wall and the area surrounding a table at a wedding celebration, all of which are on display at the exhibition. The primary material for writing the performances is obtained from folklore publications, the sound-archive of the Estonian Literary Museum, or else new songs, dances and stories based on tradition are created. The performances are oriented towards the substantive enlivenment of the permanent exhibition, and it is precisely the permanent exhibition that provides the necessary feeling and appropriate background. One of the principal purposes of the Estonian National Museum performances is to provide spectators with the possibility to play along, so as to be able to experience through themselves the knowledge being offered. Thus the scenarios have deliberately included parts, which are to be filled from among the spectators. As the majority of the spectators are school students, folklore performances also have an educational function: our traditional culture is brought closer to the younger generation through the performances.
In addition to collection and recording, the primary purpose of a museum, another purpose is arising: that of offering all that exists to one's people, and above all to youth, in interesting new forms. Today we have reached the point that we must acknowledge the importance of both. In conclusion, traditional theatre at the Estonian National Museum serves the interests of the preservation of identity and culture, having the same sort of meaning as song festivals yet in a much smaller format.
Storytelling tradition and the role of the School of Fairy tales in its preservation
Piret Päär
Throughout history, storytelling has helped people to connect themselves with the surrounding world and community. The experiences, knowledge and value judgements necessary for survival are related through stories. Opportunities for storytelling were provided by joint work and pastimes, amusements, long hikes and journeys and military service. It was believed that storytelling influenced the successfulness of hunting, fishing, herding and farming. The long, dark autumn-winter period was considered the most suitable time for telling stories in Estonia. Time was found for recreational storytelling year-round.
The time of large families and joint work and other activities has gradually come to an end. The company of television, radio or the press are preferred to togetherness and conversation. In village society the recounting of stories was the inevitable result of social interaction. In today's increasingly individual-centred society, storytelling may help us better to understand ourselves – who we are and who we could be. In the contemporary mass-entertainment-oriented cultural scene, it is necessary once again to make people aware of the importance of the storytelling tradition and the need to tell and share stories. Through stories we reflect our ideas, emotions, behaviour, value judgements and identity. In addition to the loss of traditional story material, there is a great danger that mankind is losing its biographical means of expression, images of life and overall picture of life. Pictures are received in ready form from television, although that is merely a passive series of alien pictures. By telling our own stories, we can offer someone else experiences, knowledge and also spiritual support. Listening to others' stories helps one to revive pictures that one has been unable either to remember or arrange.
Today there are not very many opportunities for telling stories. Both stories and storytellers are disappearing. Storytelling courses have been regularly organised since 1991 at the Estonian National Culture Centre. The most extensive of these is the School of Fairy tales. The purpose of the School of Fairy tales, brief courses, camps and seminars is to entice adults back to storytelling. Kindergarten teachers, schoolteachers, librarians, etc. all indeed often use fairy tales in their everyday work, but the share of other tradition is receding. It is necessary that consciousness be raised concerning the meaning of family tradition, stories connected with one's hometown and people, etc. Even the repertoire of fairy tales often tends to be restricted to familiar and known classics. We have attempted to demonstrate the different possibilities for approaching fairy tales and have offered methods for domesticating even the most alien of tales.
All courses that have taken place during the seven years of the existence of the School of Fairy tales have been very different and in a state of continual development. Only the structure has remained the same – lectures, seminars, handicrafts (braiding, knitting, clay work, woodwork, etc.), creative subjects (music, teaching of instruments, singing, painting, etc.) and storytelling. For those for whom it is not convenient to participate for extended periods in the courses taking place in Tallinn, we have offered the possibility of meeting at summer camps in different parts of Estonia (Setumaa, Vilsandi, Ruhnu, etc.).
In addition to teaching, the School of Fairy tales is also involved with the general advancement of the storytelling movement in Estonia. With graduates and teachers of the School of Fairy tales, we have told stories at folklore events, community centres, museums, kindergartens and schools – to both children and adults. We have transcribed texts from the collections of the Estonian Folklore Archives and attempted to take them back to the same places from where they were once gathered. Frequent and close co-operation has developed with folk musicians, the purpose of which is not just a concert experience in which stories are told between music and singing. Our desire at such gatherings is to encourage the listeners to speak, if not at that same moment and in that same room, then at home, among friends, etc. It also sometimes happens that people come after the event to tell the storyteller their stories. This proves to the performers that the tradition of storytelling has not yet completely disappeared. One must simply encourage people once again to speak and also listen.